Slovak National Communism by Adam Hudek
Nationalities Papers
Slovak national communism as a specific approach to the problem of Czech-Slovak relations gained ... more Slovak national communism as a specific approach to the problem of Czech-Slovak relations gained a significant position within the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia soon after its establishment in 1921. This article analyzes the foundations of this phenomenon and the evolving attitudes of the first generation of Slovak communist intellectuals and Party functionaries. The article’s primary focus is on the Slovak communists’ views regarding the official state doctrine of a unified Czechoslovak nation, Czech-Slovak relations, and the issue of Slovak autonomy. The study highlights the significant external influences, particularly the directives of the Communist International and the pre-existing national stereotypes, that shaped the worldview and nationalist tendencies of Slovak communists.
Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 2024
The study analyzes the continuities between the "national communism" of the 1980s and the "nation... more The study analyzes the continuities between the "national communism" of the 1980s and the "national populism" of the 1990s in the case of Slovakia. It describes how the legacy of the Slovak national communist program contributed to establishing the course and shape of Slovak transformation in the early 1990s and beyond. The main focus is on the ways in which the former communist intellectual elites used their informal networks to rebuild their institutional foundations after the fall of the communist regime. To retain their status, they created an agenda based on the concept of Slovak sovereignty and opposition to the political hegemony of both the Western-oriented post-dissident elites and the technocrats planning the radical economic transformation. Through their activities, the former national communists gained considerable political support, which they used to strengthen or establish populist and nationalist political currents in Slovak politics. The fact that they provided a more acceptable version of nationalism than their far-right rivals gave them a near monopoly when it came to forming the national ideology of the new hegemon of Slovak politics Vladimír Mečiar. By combining their networks from the past with the opportunities offered by the democratic transition, they contributed to the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 as the first step toward creating a Slovak version of "illiberal democracy".
Not even the communist movement in Czechoslovakia was able to avoid the specter of Czechoslovakis... more Not even the communist movement in Czechoslovakia was able to avoid the specter of Czechoslovakism. For several generations of Slovak communists it represented a burning question, while for the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Komunistická strana Československa, KSČ) it was a burdensome, recurring problem. A peculiarity of the internationalist and ideocratic communist movement was the fact that it did not approach the question of Czechoslovakism, and the related issue of the Czech-Slovak relationship in an isolated way. Both fell into a wider bundle of topics coined the "national question," to which Marxist intellectuals had intensively devoted themselves since the end of the nineteenth century. They were responding to the growing nationalism of their age and particularly to its influence among the working-class and in the socialist movement. The issue was especially palpable in the multinational states of pre-First World War Europe. 2 No clear answer or greater consensus regarding this phenomenon, especially in relation to its role in the further development of society towards socialism, has emerged among Marxist intellectuals. There were even greater divisions in the approaches to this increasingly urgent topic, along with diverging tendencies within the communist movement, its right/left split, and the influence of other, non-Marxist conceptions of the nation before the First World War. 3 During the interwar period the national question remained a theoretical and practical challenge for the communist movement, too. Ideologically and organizationally it fell under the Third Communist International (Comintern, 1919-1943). The current political line, which was accepted by the Comintern, played a key role in the attitude of communist parties to various manifestations of nationalism. However, the application of a universal line in the specific domestic circumstances proved problematic. In general, two fundamental approaches were possible. The first was the dogmatic party approach, which did not transgress the dictates of the then political direction created at the center of the movement, whether at home (Prague) or abroad (Moscow). The second, which always existed alongside the first, did transgress the enclosed and rigid political-ideological dimension through its "more creative" application of less orthodox concepts. These
This chapter deals with the specific features of Slovak development in the 1970s and 1980s. The n... more This chapter deals with the specific features of Slovak development in the 1970s and 1980s. The normalisation regime had the same objectives in both the Czech lands and Slovakia, but the tactics on how to reach them differed. The post-1968 communist leadership utilised the differences between the Slovak and Czech situation to its advantage. Political persecution was less strict and more selective in Slovakia and ‘capitulation to normalisation’ was much more widespread and faster than in the Czech lands. The legitimacy of the Slovak ‘normalisation regime’ was not dependent solely on the material well-being of the population. Slovak national communists created a viable narrative, which promoted ‘real socialism’ as the fulfilment of the decades-long emancipatory efforts of the Slovak nation. Slovak opposition was weaker, less politicised and lacked a common platform and could not provide a political alternative to the existing regime. The results of the different approaches towards Czech and Slovak society during normalisation significantly influenced post-1989 developments in Slovakia, as well as the dissolution of Czechoslovakia.
This study deals with the idea of nationalism in the thinking of Slovak communist intellectuals f... more This study deals with the idea of nationalism in the thinking of Slovak communist intellectuals from the early 1920s until the end of the 1960s. The variety of roles that national communism took during these decades are detailed, including an “intellectual exercise” in the 1930s, an ideological deviation in the 1950s, a program of national emancipation in 1960s and finally, the narrative of legitimizing the normalization orthodoxy after the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion into Czechoslovakia. The aim of this paper is to explore the variety of ways Slovak communist intellectuals connected the Marxist-Leninist worldview with their own nationalist discourse in different periods, describing how encountered ideological dilemmas were solved and then integrated into the program of Slovak national communism. The opening pages discuss the first generation
of Slovak Marxist intellectuals in the interwar period, who defined the essential points of the Slovak national communist program. Next, following the example of historian Ľubomír Lipták, the second part documents the “intellectual de-Stalinization” of the 1960s, which included profound criticism of the Slovak position in the republic. The final piece of this study analyzes the culmination of discussions regarding Czech-Slovak relations in 1968 and 1969.
Prízrak čechoslovakizmu neobišiel ani komunistické hnutie v Československu. 1 Pre niekoľko generá... more Prízrak čechoslovakizmu neobišiel ani komunistické hnutie v Československu. 1 Pre niekoľko generácií slovenských komunistov predstavoval pálčivú otázku, pre Komunistickú stranu Československa (KSČ) zas ťaživý, neustále sa vracajúci problém. Špecifikom internacionalistického a ideokratického komunistického hnutia bola skutočnosť, že k otázke čechoslovakizmu a s ním spätému problému česko-slovenského vzťahu sa nepristupovalo izolovane. Spadal do širšieho balíka tém označovaných ako "nacionálna otázka", ktorej sa marxistickí intelektuáli intenzívne venovali už od konca 19. storočia. Reagovali na rastúci nacionalizmus svojej doby, no predovšetkým na jeho vplyv v robotníckom prostredí a v socialistickom hnutí. Problém bol obzvlášť citeľný v mnohonárodnostných štátoch predvojnovej Európy. 2 K jasnej odpovedi a väčšej zhode v pohľade na tento fenomén a najmä jeho úlohu v ďalšom vývoji spoločnosti k socializmu sa nedopracovali. Naopak, spolu s divergenčnými tendenciami v hnutí, jeho pravo-ľavým štiepením a pod vplyvom iných, nemarxistických koncepcií sa prístupy k čoraz naliehavejšej téme pred prvou svetovou vojnou rôznili čoraz viac. 3 1 Táto práca bola podporovaná Agentúrou na podporu výskumu a vývoja na základe zmluvy č. APVV-14-0644 "Kontinuity a diskontinuity politických a spoločenských elít na Slovensku v 19. a 20. storočí". Výskum použitý v tejto štúdii bol realizovaný v rámci grantov VEGA 2/0071/15 "Slovensko za medzivojnovej ČSR a za vojnovej Slovenskej republiky -otázky diskontinuity a kontinuity v politike, hospodárstve, spoločnosti a kultúre" a VEGA 2/0140/18 "Fenomén politickej dôvery a nedôvery v prostredí studenej vojny". 2 K tejto otázke, v súvislosti s rakúskym či uhorským socialistickým hnutím pozri napr. Jakub S.
Československí komunisti si dávno pred uchopením moci v roku 1948 uvedomovali dôležitosť získania... more Československí komunisti si dávno pred uchopením moci v roku 1948 uvedomovali dôležitosť získania kontroly nad interpretáciou minulosti. Vytvorenie vlastnej marxistickej koncepcie kľúčových udalostí dejín malo byť jedným z dôležitých prostriedkov legitimizácie mocenských nárokov Komunistickej strany Československa (KSČ). Stranícki ideológovia sa netajili názorom, že historická veda je užitočná len vtedy, ak poskytuje materiál pre tzv. politickú prax prítomnosti. Z toho vyplýval silný prézentizmus v interpretácii historických udalostí spojený s častým prispôsobovaním a menením argumentácie v závislosti od potrieb aktuálnej politickej praxe.
Národná otázka u myslení pruej generácie slouenských komunistických intelektuálou* V rámci výskum... more Národná otázka u myslení pruej generácie slouenských komunistických intelektuálou* V rámci výskumu obdobia komunizmu v strednej a východnej Európe sa v poslednej dekáde dostávajú do popredia pojmy "národného komunizmu" a "národnej cesty k socializmu". Tento záujemje spojený s čoraz dôraznejšou kritikou tradičnej interpretácie komunizmu v podobe cudzej, násilne implementovanej "protinárodnej ideológie". ajnovšie výskumy' naznačujú, že komunistickí ideológovia a marxistickí intelektuáli nevnímali nacionalizmus len ako čisto účelový nástroj na legitimizáciu komunistického režimu. Pre značnú časť komunistických elít predstavoval nacionalizmus najzákladnejšiu podmienku vlastnej seba-identifikácie, pričom komunizmus chápali nie ako program jednej strany, ale ako skutočné vyvrcholenie dlhodobých celonárodných snáh a zavŕšenie národných programov, ktoré mali svoje počiatky v národoobrodeneckých hnutiach konca 18. storočia, alebo dokonca v hlbokom stredoveku (napr. husitské hnutie, roľnícke povstania). Slovami historika Bradleyho Abramsa, boj za socializmus mal v očiach komunistickej intelektuálnej a politickej elity podobu "boja za dušu národa"."
oncept of the Czechoslovak history in its various modifications had without doubt great impact on... more oncept of the Czechoslovak history in its various modifications had without doubt great impact on the forming of the Slovak master narrative. Discussions and reflections about the existence of common Czechoslovak history builds the inseparable part in the development of Slovak historiography. Different Czechoslovakistic concepts were always a result of strictly academic, but also ideological, political, national as well as rational opinions and interests of governments, political parties, interest groups and also individuals. Between 1918 and 1968, different concepts of Slovak a Czech master narratives came through several stages of approaching, joining and separation. These processes were accompanied by discussions and academical, ideological and dogmatic justifications for and against concepts of Slovak or Czechoslovak master narratives were introduced. In given period, Czechoslovakistic tendencies in Slovak historiography arose from different reasons. Common Czechoslovak master narrative justified the birth and existence of new Czechoslovak state after 1918. Communistic ideological struggle against „bourgeois nationalism" in the 50. demanded emphasizing the brotherhood of Czechs and Slovak during their history. It was the same also during the renewed struggle against „Slovak separatism" in the 60. However, the Slovak historiography had newer voluntarily accepted Czechoslovak tendencies and event in the period of communist totality, this concept was abandoned right after the weakening of the political and ideological pressure in the second half of the 60. In conclusion, we can state that the characteristic sign of Slovak historiography since its beginning was (sometimes more or less visible) the attempt to create an independent Slovak national story which would not merge with, and would not be part of, the other master narratives. However, this process was not totally completed even during the 1918 – 1967, but even the communist dictatorship could this process only slow down but not completely suppress.
Slovak historiography in the construction of the Marxist version of Czechoslovak history in the f... more Slovak historiography in the construction of the Marxist version of Czechoslovak history in the fifties of the 20th century
In its initial phases, the post‑war Slovak history resolutely rejected the two previous interpretations of the countryʼs history: the popular‑nationalist one as well as the inter‑war
Czechoslovak one. Later, the debate on the future shape of Slovak historiography was profoundly influenced by the
Communist coup in 1948, its main feature being the fact that it was not shaped by historians but by the party apparatus on the basis of the „contemporary political practice“. The role of historians was limited to explaining history in order to align it with given ideological assumptions and political goals of the establishment. The effort to centralize the State put an abrupt end to the debate on national and political position of Slovaks in Czechoslovakia, which was also reflected in historiography. The ideological struggle against the so‑called bourgeois nationalism in the fifties led to a political pressure to link Czech and Slovak history as tightly as possible, which resulted in a re‑interpretation of a whole number of crucial periods of Slovak history. In the framework of this process, however, certain
issues became controversial between Slovak and Czech historians and disrupted the creation of the
marxist version of the common Czechoslovak history.
Historie.cs Buržoasní nacionalisté
Rozvratná skupina Husák, Novomeský, Šmidke, Clementis a další. Jak se po válce na Slovensku bojov... more Rozvratná skupina Husák, Novomeský, Šmidke, Clementis a další. Jak se po válce na Slovensku bojovalo o moc. A jak navzdory Leopoldovu zůstali komunisty.
Ako vďaka slovenským komunistom rozkvitol populistický nacionalizmus (podcast Dejiny)
Komunistický nacionalizmus, nacionalistický komunizmus, národní komunisti. Ak sa aj vám tieto slo... more Komunistický nacionalizmus, nacionalistický komunizmus, národní komunisti. Ak sa aj vám tieto slovné spojenia zdajú protirečivé, nemožno sa čudovať. Komunisti predsa hlásali a často okázalo oslavovali bratstvo národov: vpád vojsk varšavskej zmluvy v roku 1968 sa počas normalizácie oslavoval ako bratská pomoc a pravidelne sa konali oslavy československo-sovietskeho priateľstva. Internacionála, hymna, ktorá bola prakticky soundtrackom komunistického režimu, oslavovala medzinárodný socializmus. Spieva sa v nej o jednom a jednotnom pracujúcom ľude a nenájdete v nej ani zmienku o národoch.
Avšak, pre vedúce postavy Komunistickej strany Slovenska, ale tiež radových komunistov bol národný komunizmus dôležitou súčasťou ich myšlienkového sveta a politiky. Pre mnohých komunistov bol národný komunizmus užitočný aj po páde komunistického režimu v roku 1989: viacerým poslúžil ako predpríprava na rýchlu konverziu z komunistov na plnokrvných nacionalistov a populistov.
Druhý život slovenského národného komunizmu po roku 1989
Koncept „národného komunizmu“ predstavoval na Slovensku 70. a 80. rokov hlavný legitimizačný prvo... more Koncept „národného komunizmu“ predstavoval na Slovensku 70. a 80. rokov hlavný legitimizačný prvok normalizačného režimu. Slovenskí národne komunistickí intelektuáli dve desaťročia obhajovali kombináciu reálneho socializmu a socialistickej federácie ako najlepší z možných svetov. Ich odmenou bolo privilegované postavenie a pozícia jediných oficiálnych ochrancov národných tradícií a kultúry. Pád komunistického režimu však ich postavenie výrazne ohrozil. Post-disidentské elity pristupovali k národným komunistom nepriateľskejšie ako k vysokým straníckym funkcionárom. Tí v reakcií na to podporovali a pomáhali formovať populistické a nacionalistické smery v slovenskej politike. Aktualizovaný národne komunistický program tak úspešne slúžil potrebám politických prúdov, ktoré sa stavali proti politickej hegemónii lídrov Nežnej revolúcie, ako aj technokratov plánujúcich ekonomickú transformáciu. Kontinuita medzi „národným komunizmom“ 80. rokov a „národným populizmom“ 90. rokov výrazne ovplyvnila priebeh a podoby slovenskej transformácie, a po rozpade Československa aj vytváranie slovenskej verzie „iliberálnej demokracie“.
History of Slovak Scientific Institutions by Adam Hudek
Práce z dějin Akademie věd 14(2):27-47, 2022
The study analyses the development of the mutual relationship between the Slovak and Czechoslovak... more The study analyses the development of the mutual relationship between the Slovak and Czechoslovak academies of sciences from the early 1950s to the beginning of the normalisation regime. It focuses on three key periods: the founding period of both institutions, the centralising tendencies of the early 1960s and the attempt at fundamental reform during the liberalising period of the Prague Spring. These processes are examined from the perspective of the Slovak Academy, as it was this institution that was influenced by the changes described here, and its representatives provided the impulses to redefine the existing situation.
The aim of the study is to analyse the demands presented by representatives of the Slovak Academy... more The aim of the study is to analyse the demands presented by representatives of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (Slovenská akadémia vied, SAV) during the period of liberalization at the end of the 1960s. The scientific elites of this period did not endeavour only to achieve particular aims concerning the functioning of Czechoslovak or Slovak science and research. They also formulated demands concerning the whole of society. They realized that the problems in the functioning of the academy had their roots in the way the socialist dictatorship functioned in Czechoslovakia and so their solution was conditional on fundamental changes to the existing regime or system.
Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten KriegBook Subtitle: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung undAnnäherung, 2018
Hudek, Adam, and Dušan Kováč. “Neue Wissenschaft Für Die Neue Gesellschaft.: Die Transformation D... more Hudek, Adam, and Dušan Kováč. “Neue Wissenschaft Für Die Neue Gesellschaft.: Die Transformation Der Slowakischen Akademie Der Wissenschaften in Den Jahren 1945–1967.” In Die Akademien Der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa Im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse Im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung Und Annäherung, edited by Johannes Feichtinger and Heidemarie Uhl, 1st ed., 199–228. Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2018.
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Slovak National Communism by Adam Hudek
of Slovak Marxist intellectuals in the interwar period, who defined the essential points of the Slovak national communist program. Next, following the example of historian Ľubomír Lipták, the second part documents the “intellectual de-Stalinization” of the 1960s, which included profound criticism of the Slovak position in the republic. The final piece of this study analyzes the culmination of discussions regarding Czech-Slovak relations in 1968 and 1969.
In its initial phases, the post‑war Slovak history resolutely rejected the two previous interpretations of the countryʼs history: the popular‑nationalist one as well as the inter‑war
Czechoslovak one. Later, the debate on the future shape of Slovak historiography was profoundly influenced by the
Communist coup in 1948, its main feature being the fact that it was not shaped by historians but by the party apparatus on the basis of the „contemporary political practice“. The role of historians was limited to explaining history in order to align it with given ideological assumptions and political goals of the establishment. The effort to centralize the State put an abrupt end to the debate on national and political position of Slovaks in Czechoslovakia, which was also reflected in historiography. The ideological struggle against the so‑called bourgeois nationalism in the fifties led to a political pressure to link Czech and Slovak history as tightly as possible, which resulted in a re‑interpretation of a whole number of crucial periods of Slovak history. In the framework of this process, however, certain
issues became controversial between Slovak and Czech historians and disrupted the creation of the
marxist version of the common Czechoslovak history.
Avšak, pre vedúce postavy Komunistickej strany Slovenska, ale tiež radových komunistov bol národný komunizmus dôležitou súčasťou ich myšlienkového sveta a politiky. Pre mnohých komunistov bol národný komunizmus užitočný aj po páde komunistického režimu v roku 1989: viacerým poslúžil ako predpríprava na rýchlu konverziu z komunistov na plnokrvných nacionalistov a populistov.
History of Slovak Scientific Institutions by Adam Hudek